“uch,” he says, “will depend on the performance of America’s constitutional order.” These dangers and the democratic response seem likely to be realized in some form, and certainly we must hope that congressional controls prevail. A strong opposition to Trump’s ‘America-first’ agenda is vital, but I am not persuaded that we can trust the strength of the US Constitution to steer us through Trump’s onslaught on reason and evidence-based debate Others, particularly Francis Fukuyama, in his 2014 Foreign Affairs article and book, have recognized that the US system’s inherent distrust of the executive branch of government gives rise to major risks of disharmony and conflict. More recently, like Sachs, he has urged a return to constitutionalism and the rule of law as answers to the threat of identity politics posed by Trump and his ilk.
Neither Sachs nor Fukuyama, however, provide convincing arguments that the US Constitution provides an adequate defence against the Trumpian assault on evidence, sound policy, and the established US-directed liberal world order. The problems now being faced primarily, but not exclusively, in the US are ideological, relatively recent in origin, and transmitted through mechanisms that were not and could not have been foreseen by the founding fathers.
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